By Dermot Hudson
Which East is Red? The Maoist Presence in the Soviet
Union and Soviet Bloc – Europe 1956-1980 by AM Smith, 2019. Foreign Languages Press: Paris. Pp77; €5 / $6 ; ISBN:
978-2-491182-00-7.
There is no doubt that the 1956 20th
Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and the “secret
speech” of Nikita Khrushchev attacking Stalin was a total disaster for the
socialist camp and international communist movement. Khrushchev's speech was
the first step on the road to the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. Many
communist parties never recovered from the damage done. Internationally a split
arose in the international communist movement as the USSR attempted to impose
and force the dangerous revisionist line on other parties, notably the Chinese
and Albanian parties. In many countries ‘anti-revisionist’ parties were formed
and by the mid-1960s there was an open split. A few parties did not take sides
or argued for unity, most notably the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK), which
condemned both modern revisionism (ie the CPSU) and Left opportunism (China and
Albania).
In those countries dominated by the USSR,
there was a cosying up to the USA, the floodgates of imperialist ideological
and cultural infiltration were opened, and internally there were reforms (the
economic reforms usually resulted in prices going up) and a gradual
dismantlement of the socialist system. When the Soviet bloc collapsed in the
period of 1989–1991 people not only asked why but also raised the question of
why didn’t anyone oppose what was going on?
This booklet goes part of the way to answering
that question.
Smith is not a communist but a liberal and
academic, and many of his views need to be taken with a ton of salt.
Nevertheless, it is goldmine of information on resistance to revisionism from
within the Soviet Union and the East European socialist countries, although an
initial criticism is that the book could be longer with more depth.
It also misses out, because of its narrow
framework, the non-Maoist communist movements in Czechoslovakia, Romania and
Yugoslavia that were opposed to the 20th Congress on traditional
‘Stalinist’ lines.
Smith details how in the Georgian SSR of
the USSR in March 1956 there were huge pro-Stalin demonstrations of up to
70,000 people that ended in riots which were put down by the security forces
with loss of life. Later on, rank-and-file members of the CPSU raised awkward
questions about the direction of the CPSU, such as “Are we not in fact
compromising with imperialism over West Berlin?” and questioned that generous
aid was being given to non-socialist countries such as India whilst denying aid
to socialist countries such as the People's Republic of China.
A number of anti-revisionist groupings
were formed within the USSR. Most were small but one, the Workers Centre, was
able to organise strikes.
The book contains short accounts of
anti-revisionist movements in other socialist countries such as the German
Democratic Republic (GDR), Hungary, Bulgaria and Poland, and has a piece on
Albania, the only ‘anti-revisionist’ European socialist country. The best sections,
however, are on Bulgaria and Poland.
The piece on the little-known Bulgarian
abortive coup in 1965 is a real nugget. The ‘hard-line’ Bulgarian leader Vâlko
Chervenkov (brother-in-law of Georgi Dimitrov) had been forced out of power by
Khrushchev in 1956 and later suspended from membership of the Bulgarian party.
Todor Zhikov, who replaced Chervenkov, was not only seen as a revisionist but
also a puppet of the USSR by more independent-minded Bulgarian communists. In
1965 a group of generals and some party leaders staged a coup to try to remove
Zhikov but it failed.
In Poland, Kazimierz Mijal, who are been a
communist partisan leader in the Second World War and a minister in the
People's Republic of Poland, formed an anti-revisionist Communist Party of Poland
in 1965. He went into exile in Albania, then China, and on return to Poland in
1984 was arrested by the revisionist regime. Mijal’s Communist Party combined
anti-revisionism with militant anti-Zionism and Polish nationalism, which leads
to Smith to criticism the party for anti-Semitism.
The section on Albania is fairly short. It
does not really explain how Albania and China fell out so badly, with Hoxha
even going as far as to say that China, which he previously praised to the
skies, was not only revisionist but had never been a socialist country in the
first place.
Apart from its short length the book has a
number of weaknesses and inaccuracies. Firstly, the author seems totally
unaware that there is evidence that GDR leader Walter Ulbricht was actually opposed
to Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalin but could not do anything because of the
GDR's dependency on the USSR. Some German communists say Ulbricht was the best
leader of the GDR and that Honecker was the revisionist. There is a serious
howler in which Smith says the Korean Armistice Agreement in 1953 was signed
between “North and South Korea”. In fact the treaty was signed between the USA
on one side and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and China on
the other, south Korea was never a signatory. Smith also claims that the
Vietnamese and Korean parties “vacillated” between China and the USSR, which is
inaccurate. The Workers’ Party of Korea took an independent position.
Nevertheless, this short and easy to read
book throws an interesting light on a fascinating subject. You cannot help
thinking that if only revisionism had been smashed into the ground, the USSR
and other socialist countries would be still here today.
The book can be ordered online from the publishers or
downloaded for free from the American Georgia State University (GSU) website.
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