By Eric Trevett
IT IS NOT often that we agree
with Mervyn King, the head of the Bank of England, but we concur with his
appraisal that the present economic crisis
may be more profound than that of the 1930s and that there is no way of
avoiding a further recession.
This dispels
the argument that the last Labour government was mainly responsible for the
crisis affecting Britain.
The capitalist crisis is global. And the struggle for peace and socialism has
to be global too.
Now that
Miliband has joined the Tory-Liberal Democrat alliance in supporting the cuts,
it means that the leaders of all three main political parties in Britain
are in favour of reactionary politics. Along with the right-wing press they
tell us that we are all in this together. “We’ve all got to do our bit to cut
the nation’s debts and achieve an expanding economy. Unity between the working
class and capitalist class,” we are told, “will guarantee victory.”
It is worth noting how this unity works. The
example set to us by our “betters” is very impressive. It includes massive
bonus payments for the top echelons of the banking system. It includes the
major private companies owing the Treasury £87 billion in unpaid taxation. Then
we have company directors pushing up their salaries by 49 per cent.
We
must not forget that expenses’ fiddling is widespread among the elite. These
are indeed impressive sacrifices being made by the rich compared to the
“terrible workers”, “turbulent students” and outraged pensioners who have the
temerity to do something to oppose cuts in services, jobs, wages and pensions
and even have the guts to go on strike. Pensioners of course cannot go on
strike but they can show solidarity with those who do.
In capitalist
society there are two main classes: the capitalist class, which for the moment
is dominant, and the working class, which is exploited, with the poorest
sections being the most numerous.
The
middle stratum is not a class but is thrown and vacillating between political
allegiances – between the labour movement and the capitalist class. The big
mistake labour leaders make is to prioritise making concessions to what are
often petty bourgeois aspirations.
It is
significant that capitalism is now being identified around the world as an
enemy of the people. Many individuals who have described themselves as middle
class are already beginning to develop a socialist outlook.
The
way forward is to develop a radical working class programme combating
privatisation and renationalising the heights of the economy. Military spending
must be reduced, the arms programme cut and Britain
must become a nuclear-free zone.
And we must restore the NHS to a standard to
meet the ideals it was established to achieve and free the NHS from the
shackles of Private Finance Initiative contracts.
Much of this
is already the policy of the Labour Representation Committee and trade union
branches and organisations should be encouraged to affiliate to it. The
alternative to the right-wing policies of the party leaders represents the
struggle from below.
The
crisis of capitalism is a crisis of overproduction. It is not difficult to
prove this, with bargain sales no longer limited to January but now on all year
round. We are offered new furniture and no need to pay for a year or more. In a
relatively new feature £1 bargain shops are selling goods directly from the
manufacturers. When one thinks about the
mass of goods available that are not sold, the bargain sales and other
incentives to buy, it gives some idea of the tremendous amount that is produced
that the market cannot absorb.
Nationally
and internationally the banks made money available for all sorts of ventures
and encouraged working people to use
next year’s wages to buy things on the never-never. And with mortgage
repayments they ensured that millions are in debt. This means the rising
unemployment levels could be quite devastating for family life.
Since 1971 the
attack on municipal housing property has featured strongly. The relatively low
cost of rents had served to keep the private landlord rented sector and
property values down. In privatising the municipal housing stock, the curb on
prices in the private sector was removed – so much so that it is now virtually
impossible for working class young people and even middle strata people to get
a mortgage. But the problem for first time buyers is not just how to get a
mortgage but being able to guarantee their continued employment at a high wage
and make enough to sustain the payments.
In
any case we think the way forward for housing is to restore municipal property
at reasonable rents relating to wage levels.
The post-war
period has seen rapid advancement in the techniques of production. Over the
years industrial capitalism has moved from water power to steam power to
electricity and now to the new technology. It is significant that for the first
time investment in equipment is not matched by investment in workers. In other
words, under capitalist conditions the price of labour power is falling and the
competition for advances in new technology leads to a reduction in the size of
the employed labour force.
This does not
mean we should oppose the introduction of new technology; on the contrary we
should welcome it and realise that under socialist conditions it will prove a
useful source of wealth production that frees people to enjoy greater leisure
time and the chance for engaging in cultural, sporting and scientific pursuits
– instead of the rat race conditions we have to endure under capitalism.
This is
leading to the realisation among the working class and broader sections of the
population that capitalism is obsolescent. All over the world the working class
is beginning to take up cudgels once again against the capitalist class and its
imperialist machinations.
Last
year’s riots in London and other
places were understandable but they lacked the perspective of a socialist
revolution. But socialism is the only answer to the capitalist crisis for the
working class.
When the
crisis of capitalism becomes acute, it not only means hardship for most of the
people, it also includes the drive to authoritarian government and imperialist
war as the different powers and nations seek to solve their problems at the
expense of their rivals.
The
aims of the temporary alliance between the United
States, British and French imperialism can
clearly be seen by the strategy of destabilising the Middle East,
not just for the oil although that is a major factor, but also to militarise
the area with bases plainly aimed against Russia.
The
imperialist powers use the strategy of divide and rule. Agent provocateurs
generate hatred between the tribal and religious groups to instigate war
between Middle Eastern countries. They back reactionary elements with military
equipment while bashing progressive or non-compliant governments with trade
sanctions and even unilateral acts of war.
The
imperialists’ aim is to remove these leaderships and replace them forces that
will be in favour of complying with imperialist demands and allow them more
direct control of the resources of the area.
The result is,
apart from the destruction of tens of thousands of people’s lives, that British
imperialism is guilty of consigning many British youths to their death or
serious injury – who are also the victims of imperialism.
The struggle
for peace is more than a plea for mercy. It is a revolutionary demand and we
stress that the working class aims of peace and socialism are indivisible.