Review
By Ben Soton
The White Working Class – What Everyone Needs to
Know, by Justin Gest (2018). Oxford University Press. ISBN: 9780190861407;
paperback, 208pp, £10.99.
This book by
Justin Gest is an academic study into the plight of the white working-class in
Britain and the USA. There is renewed interest in this group, which is
interesting because 20 years or so ago we were told that the working class
would soon cease to exist. A narrative espoused by the Blairite Extreme Centre; a grouping more extreme than centrist. Recent studies have
focused on derogatory characterisations such as Chavs, Pikies and White
Trash; although this study
avoids such negative terminology.
Chapter
one concentrates on definitions of both white and working class. Being white is
simply a reference to those of us of European lineage and the author goes into
the history of how this terminology developed from the 18th century
onwards. Guest views class in terms of social and educational factors,
therefore missing the point – many call centre operatives with limited job
security have degrees but earn less and have worse terms and conditions than
say a docker in the 1960s or 1970s.
To
Marxists, class is about relationship to the means of production; the working
class are those who sell their labour, namely wage earners. This definition may
become blurred in the case of, for example, heart surgeons or film directors,
but there is little to distinguish call-centre workers from the factory
workers. Class is not some cultural lifestyle choice but about pure hard
economics.
Gest
covers issues of mass immigration and the decline of manufacturing industry in
both countries. The book is full of the results of surveys on the attitudes of
white workers towards immigration and welfare. Some of these surveys, although
they show the subject group sometimes taking a tougher stance, are not at huge variance with the rest of the
population.
Working-class
people sometimes take a harsher view of benefit claimants, namely those who do
not work., and terms such as Chav
and Pikey are just as likely to be
used as terms of abuse between working class people than at them. Such
attitudes as well as being fuelled by tabloids may well have their origins in
19th Century values such as thrift, punctuality, hard work and
respectability.
The
book discusses the impact of mass immigration of poorer communities. Gest
correctly points out that historically, many migrants in low-skilled employment
are often over qualified for the jobs they are initially forced to take. This
means that they are sometimes in a position to both undercut the native poor
and have better chances of upwards mobility. This shows the need for trade
union organisation amongst all workers. He also makes the valid point about
working-class people being made to feel guilt for the past actions of our
rulers, such as the slave trade and imperialism.
Gest
discusses how the far-right on both sides of the Atlantic have managed to tap
into some elements of working angst. Donald Trump proved successful in parts of
the so-called ‘rush belt’ of the USA, whilst in Britain the former EDL [English
Defence League] leader and self-styled ‘journalist’ Tommy Robinson (real name
Stephen Yaxley-Lennon) poses as some kind of
working-class hero. It should be pointed out that Mr Yaxley-Lennon is in fact a
small businessman who owns a tanning salon, a business that will only attract
custom from white people.
Research
perhaps needs to be done into what attracts some working-class people to the
far-right. Many of these people are essentially small ‘c’ conservatives who
believe in an ideology that never existed for their benefit. Unfortunately,
when it ceases to work for them, rather than rejecting the ideology they demand
more of it and, as a result, moving farther to the right. This is not helped if
the alternative is a Labour Party dominated by the Extreme Centre.
In
the section Why do working class people
vote against their interests?, he raises the question of why some
working-class people vote for reactionary parties. Although it may be against
their interest to vote for Donald Trump, UKIP or the Tory party there is that
crucial area where the many on the left missed a trick. Yes…Brexit. By
campaigning for a Remain vote some of the left pushed many working-class voters
into the reactionary camp. Labour effectively finished off UKIP in 2017
however, by agreeing to honour the referendum result. Remainiacs on both the
right and left of the Labour Party are handing the far-right an opportunity on
a plate by calling for a second referendum.
Gest
poses the question: “Was the White Working class ever on Top?” This is a
question only Marxist-Leninists can answer. The Second World War saw the
victory of the Red Army over fascism, stronger communist parties and a powerful
trade union movement. The ruling class in the developed world lived with a
degree of fear, hence the need to give concessions. In Britain we saw the NHS, The
Welfare State, Social housing and various opportunities for self-improvement.
Since
the 1980s these gains have been undermined; the process continued during the
Blair–Brown era when neo-liberalism further eroded the welfare state, education
and social housing. Meanwhile the far-right have managed to tap into some of
this frustration.
The
ruling class is not afraid of the far-right. One of the first publications to
support the so-called Football Lads Alliance (FLA) was the rather well-heeled Spectator. The left now has an
opportunity to turn the tide and win over or at least neutralise those who may
have been tempted by reactionary politics. Lets just hope that Corbyn can see
off the fifth column of Zionists and Remainiacs.
Unfortunately
Gest advocates a rather worn out Blairite narrative, which includes calls for
so-called meritocracy combined with suggestions for improved education. At no
point does he suggest that capitalism might be the problem. He rejects
definitions of Left and Right, but instead politics should be viewed in terms
of Open and Closed. Sounds a bit like the Third
Way to me.
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